UK Defence policy in response to the Arab Spring: interventionist, internationalist, integrated

Speech by Rt Hon. Jim Murphy MP to the Young Fabian Society, June 2011

We live in a fast-changing world in which the balance of security, peace and liberty is being recast. The uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East and the awe-inspiring civilian surge in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya have fractured orthodoxies. They have proved again that real power can lie in the common causes that unite people and that the denial of freedom is unsustainable.  We know why these revolutions have started, but we do not know where they will end.

At this historic moment for the Arab world and for world security people are rightly asking what Britain’s role is, how and when we can project force and influence, and how we can both protect and advance our ideas and interests.

Starting point: interventionist, internationalist, integrated 

My starting point is that I believe in a defence policy that strikes the right balance on being interventionist, internationalist and integrated.

It requires an interventionist approach because we all have responsibilities beyond our borders. This is not, as some would have it, ideological but a necessary response to the world in which we live. The prosperity, security, liberty and civil liberties of those at home cannot be separated from events overseas. The responsibility to act can and should take many forms, and should have a focus on preventative measures, in particular through diplomatic and development work, with military means always a last resort.

Global interdependence means that the threats we face are shared, and so so too must be our responses, rooted always in internationalism. We must strengthen multilateral institutions. As part of NATO, the EU, G20 and the Commonwealth the UK has unique diplomatic reach and will retain power and influence through global alliances, military, political, economic and diplomatic.  I want to see an engaged Britain in a strong EU but alongside a strong African Union and strong Arab League, and so we should help build their capacity and encourage their participation.  A new emphasis on multilateralism should also mean a new approach to conflict resolution through regional political reconciliation, as is vital in Afghanistan and will be essential in Libya. 

Securing its borders and citizens is the first and most important duty of any government, and it is vital to note that this is a task which does not just rest in the defence portfolio but must apply cross-government.  Our domestic security demands that the UK  stops terrorism, counters nuclear proliferation, enables the free flow of commerce and people, secures our and others’ borders, encourages economic development, including safe energy supply, promotes human rights and invests in free judiciaries and medias. Without that integrated approach our hardware alone will not be able to pave the way for the safety we seek.

Arab Spring: implications for defence

The Arab Spring has recast the security landscape. The nature of the Arab Spring has been striking, focused on overthrowing domestic autocratic rulers due to a yearning for freedom and democracy, not a political focus on Israel or wider regional politics. This could point to the secular nature of the movements, since Islamic militancy is often driven by demonization of Israel, or perhaps the minority of Islamists are displaying a political sophistication conscious that they wanted to gain the support of the international community, but I think the actions of Mohammad Bouazzizi speak for the majority.  The Tunisian fruit seller set himself alight in protest against the suppression and humiliation to which he was subjected. He stirred the emotions of a generation who seek only what we take for granted in our daily lives.

The reasons are several – the youth bulge in many Arab countries and the spread of technology has made it easier to organise but also spread information creating intrigue and an awareness of the prosperity and liberty that exists elsewhere. The lure of free markets is strong, the denial of opportunities for progress unjust. 

The implications for international and UK domestic defence policy are enormous. Established notions of stable and sustainable governance must be recast since in future security will come from the liberation of people and their ability to participate in the global free flow of ideas and domestic civil societies.

Internal oppression has been revealed to be one of the biggest security threats we face.  The right to realise aspiration is not a luxury but now a fundamental part of any leadership’s right to govern. In the past a strong government was confused with a stable state, whereas in fact strong unelected government often means a weak state. Power without authority means that authoritarian governments act in ways that may necessitate an international response.

It was absolutely right that NATO, supported by decisive Government action and all sides of the House of Commons, took the interventionist action it did in Libya. The key criteria for action existed in this case: it was a just cause with a feasible mission and had international support. It is now vital that there in an international diplomatic effort to support the National Transition Council, who are committed to a democratic Libya. It is right too that the UK has a role, with our partners, in the unrest elsewhere. The UK has agreed and should strengthen EU sanctions for Syria. The UK has made clear that President Saleh in Yemen should go and has rightly pressed for human rights monitors to be allowed into the country.

We must be clear that the threat posed to us of Al Qaeda and Islamic fundamentalism is – in spite of the killing of Osama Bin Laden – continued and increasing.  The potential for security vacuums or weak regimes resulting from successful protests in a region with shallow democratic roots is high, posing opportunities for Al Qaeda to infiltrate, notably for example in Yemen. If autocracy crushes the rebellions, however, or indeed if a change of regime does not lead to genuine democracy, there is also a risk that a restless youth turn to Al Qaeda’s ideology as a means of liberation. UK defence policy must be more attuned than ever to this threat.

We must consistently coax the green shoots of democracy throughout the region to deny space for the extremism of others. It is vital, for example, that Egypt succeeds in becoming a peaceful democracy. The G8 aid package to Arab partnership initiative to finance infrastructure, civil society, political pluralism, free media and economic opportunity is vital.  The economic appeal of the EU can act as a further magnet for positive change in the region, linking EU support with progress on political and economic reform.

The Arab spring underlines the importance of a breakthrough on the Middle East peace process.  For decades there has been stalemate, but the conflict cannot be viewed from one side or the other – it can only be resolved by having two sovereign states on 1967 lines with mutually agreed land swaps, so secure borders are established.  Antagonism to one side is not a reasonable explanation of justification for violence against the other.

I have just returned from a visit to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. While no-one was categorical it seemed to me that both Israelis and Palestinians supported the rebellions for different reasons. Israelis because it’s easier to make lasting peace with fellow democracies and in the belief that it may spread to Iran, Palestinians because a new government in Egypt may be bolder in its dealings with Israel. The international community, which supports both the Arab Spring and change in the Israel-Palestine relationship, needs to work to ensure the former can reinforce the latter.

Lessons for future

There are other implications of the events of the Arab Spring on defence policy, whether for arms exports policy, the underlined importance of the SAS and specialist intelligence or the potentially increased risk of nuclear proliferation.  A key lesson is the continuing need to adapt military hardware and planning. The UK Government’s Defence Review raises serious questions about whether we have the ability to do this. Indeed, rushed and short term decisions to have a decade-long carrier strike gap, cut maritime surveillance and cut personnel, which has left the Services “running hot” in the words of the Chiefs, limit Britain’s flexibility and the role we can play in the world.

The response to the Arab Spring and our international posture is a vital agenda for the United Kingdom. The values we hold dear we share with others around the world and we need the capabilities to build on those to form stable and durable peace where possible. The key question for Labour is over the type of country we want to be and I think the answer lies resolutely in being a strong influence in the world, recognising that our obligations as progressives transcend borders, but equally that our commitments to security at home demand engagement overseas. Defence policy is not only about conflict or rebuilding nations, it’s also about being part of collective efforts to facilitate the conditions in which peace can prosper.